MacapiaPratt2015Fall: September 2015

http://moussemagazine.it/articolo.mm?id=888

Is it possible to be a revolutionary and like flowers?

This project is a translation of an entire library into ikebana. According to Japanese tradition, ikebana was originally created to “console the soul”. The form of a piece of ikebana, its colours and the choice of flowers used constitutes a form of language. The function of consoling and language – two aspects shared by books and flowers – are the starting point. So each piece of ikebana represents the works chosen by the artist following a principle of translation the rules of which have been reinvented, using the evocative power of the Latin and common names of the flowers, the names designed for their commercial exploitation, their pharmacological power or even the history of their travels.Hence the ikebana piece that pays homage to the Discours sur le colonialism [Essay on Colonialism] is made up of a palm tree branch (alma armata) and an upturned tulip (Tulip retroflexa), while the one paying homage to the Caractère fétiche de la merchandise [The fetishistic nature of consumer goods] is made up of a rose named “freedom” and three carnations.
The thoughts produced by literature, philosophy or anthropology (which make up a large part of the library chosen by the artist) are an integral part of our daily lives. But, in some ways, they are also “decorative objects”, in this context meaning that they create a frame, a stimulating and comforting environment, a “leap out of murderers’ row, act-observation.” (2), just as a library can be. From books to flowers, the project highlights our prejudices about what is offensive or inoffensive, about what belongs to the arts of the intellect and to those of the everyday.

http://www.camillehenrot.fr/en/work/61/is-it-possible-to-be-a-revolutionary-and-like-flowers

The Reichstag Fire Decree (German: Reichstagsbrandverordnung) is the common name of the Decree of the Reich President for the Protection of People and State (German: Verordnung des Reichspräsidenten zum Schutz von Volk und Staat) issued by German President Paul von Hindenburg in direct response to the Reichstag fire of 27 February 1933. The decree nullified many of the key civil liberties of German citizens. With Nazis in powerful positions in the German government, the decree was used as the legal basis for the imprisonment of anyone considered to be opponents of the Nazis, and to suppress publications not considered “friendly” to the Nazi cause. The decree is considered by historians to be one of the key steps in the establishment of a one-party Nazi state in Germany.

Hitler had been appointed Chancellor of Germany only four weeks previously, on 30 January 1933, when he was invited by President von Hindenburg to lead a coalition government. Hitler’s government had urged von Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag and to call elections for 5 March.
On the evening of 27 February 1933 — six days before the parliamentary election — fire broke out in the Reichstag chambers. While the exact circumstances of the fire remain unclear to this day, what is clear is that Hitler and his supporters quickly capitalized on the fire as a means by which to speed their consolidation of power. Hitler believed the consequences of the fire would result in more Germans to support the Nazis and turn against the Marxists. According to Rudolf Diels, Hitler was heard shouting through the fire "these sub-humans do not understand how the people stand at our side. In their mouse-holes, out of which they now want to come, of course they hear nothing of the cheering of the masses."^[1]
Seizing on the burning of the Reichstag building as the supposed opening salvo in a communist uprising, the Nazis were able to throw millions of Germans into a convulsion of fear at the threat of Communist terror. The official account stated:

The burning of the Reichstag was intended to be the signal for a bloody uprising and civil war. Large-scale pillaging in Berlin was planned for as early as four o’clock in the morning on Tuesday. It has been determined that starting today throughout Germany acts of terrorism were to begin against prominent individuals, against private property, against the lives and safety of the peaceful population, and general civil war was to be unleashed…^[2]

The decree was improvised on the day after the fire (28 February) after discussions in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior, which was led by Hermann Göring, and was then brought before the Reich cabinet. In the ensuing discussions, Hitler stated that the fire made it now a matter of “ruthless confrontation of the KPD” and shortly thereafter, President von Hindenburg signed the decree into law.
The decree invoked the President's power under Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution, which allowed him to take any appropriate measure to remedy dangers to public safety without the prior consent of the Reichstag. It consisted of six articles. Article 1 indefinitely suspended most of the civil liberties set forth in the Weimar Constitution, including habeas corpus, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, the right of free association and public assembly, the secrecy of the post and telephone, not to mention the protection of property and the home. Articles 2 and 3 allowed the Reich government to assume powers normally reserved for the federal states. Articles 4 and 5 established draconian penalties for certain offenses, including the death penalty for arson to public buildings. Article 6 simply stated that the decree took effect on the day of its proclamation.

“Never forget that everything Hitler did in Germany was legal.” – Martin Luther King, Jr.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raising_a_flag_over_the_Reichstag

Raising a flag over the Reichstag is a historic World War II photograph, taken during the Battle of Berlin on 2 May 1945. It is symbolic of the Soviet victory and occupation in east Germany in the closing months of the war; several Soviet troops are shown raising the flag of the Soviet Union atop the German Reichstag building. The photograph was reprinted in thousands of publications and came to be regarded around the world as the most significant and recognizable image of the war. Owing to the secrecy of Soviet media, the identities of the men in the picture were often disputed, also that of the photographer, Yevgeny Khaldei, who was only identified after the fall of the Soviet Union.
Erected in 1894, the Reichstag's architecture was magnificent for its time. The building contributed much to German history and was considered by the Red Army the symbol of their fascist enemy. However, to the Nazis, the Reichstag was a symbol of democracy and representative government and consequently they left it closed and damaged ever since the infamous Reichstag fire in 1933. Instead of being a center of fascist power, the Reichstag had been closed down for 12 years, essentially the entirety of the Nazi era, with subsequent meetings of the Reichstag "legislative body" convening at the nearby Kroll Opera House instead during the Third Reich's existence. After very bloody and fierce combat within its walls, the Soviets finally captured the Reichstag on 2 May 1945, drawing closer to the end of a war that had cost the lives of many millions of Germans and Soviets.

The Reichtag was seen as symbolic of, and at the heart of, the "fascist beast." It was arguably the most symbolic target in Berlin. The events surrounding the flag-raising are murky due to the confusion of the fight at the building. On 30 April there was great pressure from Stalin to take the building, in time for the International Workers' Day, 1 May.^[2] Initially, two planes dropped several large red banners on the roof that appeared to have caught on the bombed-out dome. Additionally, a number of reports had reached headquarters that two parties, M. M. Bondar from the 380th Rifle Regiment and Captain V. N. Makov of the 756th might have been able to hoist a flag during the day of 30 April.^[3] These reports were received by Marshal G. K. Zhukov, who issued an announcement stating that his troops had captured the Reichstag and hoisted a flag. However, when correspondents arrived, they found no Soviets in the building, but rather they were pinned down outside by German fire. After fierce fighting both outside and inside the building, a flag was raised at 22:40 on 30 April 1945, when 23-year-old Rakhimzhan Qoshqarbaev climbed the building and inserted a flag into the crown of the mounted female statue of "Germania", symbolizing Germany. As this happened at night, it was too dark to take a photograph.^[4] The next day the flag was taken down by the Germans.^[4] The Red Army finally gained control of the entire building on 2 May.^[5]

The original photo (top) was altered (bottom) by editing the watch on the soldier's right wrist^[6]

On 2 May 1945, Khaldei scaled the now pacified Reichstag to take his picture. He was carrying with him a large flag, sewn from three tablecloths for this very purpose, by his uncle.^[7] The official story would later be that two hand-picked soldiers, Meliton Kantaria^{[A 2]} (Georgian) and Mikhail Yegorov^{[A 3]} (Russian), raised the Soviet flag over the Reichstag,^[2]^[8]^[9]^[10] and the photograph would ofter be used as depicting the event. Some authors state that for political reasons the subjects of the photograph were changed and the actual man to hoist the flag was Alyosha Kovalyov,^{[A 4]}^[11]^[12] a Ukrainian, who was told by the NKVD to keep quiet about it.^[11] However, according to Khaldei himself, when he arrived at the Reichstag, he simply asked the soldiers who happened to be passing by to help with the staging of the photoshoot;^[13]^[14] there were only four of them, including Khaldei, on the roof:^[15] the one who was attaching the flag was 18-year-old Private Alexei Kovalyov from Kiev, the two others were Abdulkhakim Ismailov from Dagestan and Leonid Gorychev (also mentioned as Aleksei Goryachev) from Minsk.^[14]^[15]^[16]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raising_a_flag_over_the_Reichstag

reichstag Dome
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/322967.stm

http://www.kunstjournalen.no/11_eng/aage-langhelle

Semiotic interaction
A large trench of earth is installed in the centre of an interior courtyard. Along the middle of the trench are luminous letters spelling DER BEVÖLKERUNG (To The People). The text is visible from all floors and the roof. The font and size corresponds to the 1916 inscription above the main steps of the German parliament building - DEM DEUTSCHEN VOLKE (To The German People). The essence of this project is the relationship between the 1916 inscription DEM DEUTSCHEN VOLKE and Haacke’s 2000 version DER BEVÖLKERUNG. Haacke believes that demographic changes in today’s democratic Europe require one to exchange people for population, or change the understanding of the term people in order to include the entire population, so that all and everyone can feel German. Haacke also maintains that the inscription DEM DEUTSCHEN VOLKE is historically burdened. Haacke’s intention, as with most of his projects, is to expose underlying mechanisms and power structures within society. The project is included in «Kunst im Reichstag» under the direction of Kunst am Bau). Haacke was invited by a committee of 12 parliamentary members to present an idea for an art project. His proposal was heavily disputed but was eventually accepted by a small majority.

Haacke invited each new parliamentary member to deliver a sack of earth taken from their constituency and sprinkle it over the trench, in and around the letters. A majority of members participated, however some declined on political grounds. Since normally earth is full of seeds and shoots, shrubbery grows steadily and untended, something one can understand either as a homage to «mother earth» or an attempt to «recapture» ritual as the National Socialists did with their «Blut und Boden» (Blood and Earth) mythology. The parliamentary members’ names and their times of participation are available to the public. A web-camera allows us to follow changes by transferring video to a website, an integral part of the project.

The people or the kingdom
The inscription DEM DEUTSCHEN VOLKE was proposed in 1894 by the building’s architect Paul Wallot. The parliament building was constructed for the German parliament and therefore the architect considered the German people as his employer. It was customary at this time to assign buildings a building master. Kaiser Wilhelm II wanted DER DEUTSCHEN EINIGKEIT as an inscription. The Kaiser later chose to support the building commission’s suggestion of DEM DEUTSCHEN REICHE. The parliamentarians argued for over 20 years before the architect’s suggestion finally succeeded. The choice of typography was so much argued that a new font was designed - «KapitalUnzialFrakturBastarda». A dedication to the German people rather than the German Empire was achieved when any hope of success in World War I was lost and the Kaiser had to strengthen his relationship with the people. The letters were cast from cannonballs taken in the war with Napoleon in 1813 in the bronze foundry Loevy, a Jewish family business. The family eventually became a victim of National Socialism.

National Socialism
The term «Blut und Boden» (Blood and Earth) (2) was used regularly in the National Socialistic propaganda machine. The slogan promoted the idea of reciprocal dependency between an ethnic group and a geographical area. Often in a context similar to that of «Dem Deutschen Volke». After the 2nd World War «Blut und Boden» became negatively charged and difficult to split.

History and contemporary
Haacke’s use of the words DER BEVÖLKERUNG is inspired by Bertolt Brecht: «In our times anyone who says population in place of people or race, and privately owned land in place of soil, is by that simple act withdrawing his support from a great many lies».(3) Haacke establishes discourse on a contemporary theme supported by history. By inscribing DER BEVÖLKERUNG Haacke refers to a process of transformation at work in large parts of Europe, where relatively homogeneous cultural and ethnic groups are becoming a multi-cultural population. According to Haacke there are approx. 10 million people living in Germany without a German passport, a fact that enhances the meaning of the work.

Politics and reception
The 2nd World War and the Nazi regime’s terrible actions still characterize German society today. Although issues of «Individual guilt versus collective guilt» and «The German people versus the Nazi regime» aren’t explicitly expressed, they can be read into Haacke’s project. Reception appears to follow established political divide. Many conservative politicians and voters see the project as an attempt to rob the German populace of its identity and right to decide in its own house Bundestag, German Parliament. The Greens, Social-Democrats and the rest of the leftists understand the project as progressive and interactive, encouraging reflection over future society.

Epilogue
Hans Haacke continues to create debate. He refuses to allow reproduction/imaging of DER BEVÖLKERUNG. In 2006, VG Bild-Kunst (the German equivalent of Kopinor/Bono) contacted SPD politician and blogger Petra Tursky Hartmann to point out that she’d illegally up-loaded three photographs of artworks by artists they represented. TurskyHartmann was initially offered a commercial licence by VG Bild-Kunst, however the offer had to be withdrawn when Haacke refused them permission. Only works in public space require artist permission and in terms of legality the courtyard is not a public space. Haacke is now negotiating with Bundestag, German Parliament over charging for the right to internet publication.
There’s little understanding of Haacke’s attitude in the German media. Social media today, the internet, is wholly based on interaction. Blogging, sharing, tagging or commentary on images, articles or any other content is a natural part of contemporary communication and debate. However despite video transmission from the courtyard, human participation in the project is minimal.